This piece dates from my time as Director of ACBAR, the Agency Coordinating body which had at the time 60-odd NGO’s affiliated all operating in Afghanistan. It was the job from hell, and left me drained to the point at which I needed a couple of months off after I left. I dealt with the Taliban government on an almost daily basis, and got to know some of them quite well. A couple I am still in touch with and they are an invaluable source in my understanding of the ongoing mess that is Afghanistan. The piece gives a flavour of the complexity of the work. It was always edgy and we lived on caffeine, alcohol, adrenaline and nicotine. I have not read the piece for many years but as far as I can recall at this distance of time it is an accurate record of a few days in a hectic life. The ‘Three Witches of Kabul’ referred to are all now dead, with Nancy dying in Kabul not so long ago. She probably did more to preserve Afghan cultural heritage than any other single individual. Most of the other players are long dispersed and I have lost touch with all bar one, two if you count SAM who is still in play in Afg but not mentioned in this piece. At the time the piece was written the UK had no diplomatic relations with the Taliban government and I was one of the conduits via which diplomacy was continued in the absence of formal structures.
27TH July. Islamabad. Conference room at UNOCHA, the UN HQ for all operations related to Afghanistan. The room is large, dominated by a huge satellite image of Afghanistan and no other decoration or embellishment. This is a room where you do serious stuff, and we were doing serious stuff that day. The Meeting started prompt at 11, and finished shortly before 1.
Erik de Mul was in the Chair. He is Head of UNOCHA and had just completed a wearing round of discussions with the Taliban in Kabul and Kandahar. There were five Ambassadors, six First Secretary’s, the Heads of all the UN agencies and their Number 2’s, the Pakistani Minister for Refugees, the UN RCO for Kabul, the Directors of Save the Children and CARE, myself and a very few personal private secretaries. It was a rarefied group and the mood was grim and gloomy from the beginning.
The events we were discussing are worth recounting in some detail, and started on the 5th July. On that day the Taliban Ministry of Planning issued a letter to various NGO’s (including my own) asking for information on the numbers of female Afghan staff they employed. On the 6th there was a further letter to UNOCHA and ACBAR, in part saying ‘no UN/NGO’s can hire Afghan women temporarily/regularly because such an action is against the Islamic Emirates policy’ and we were invited to attend a meeting at the Ministry of Planning for clarification on the 10th. Most agencies adopted a heads-down-wait-and-see approach. Some sent their female staff on leave.
On the 9th shit and fan got together. Mary McMakin is one of the Three Witches of Kabul, all women in their 70’s who have lived and worked in Afghanistan for much of their lives. One of them, Nancy Hatch-Dupree is reckoned to be the single greatest living authority on Afghanistan and she is currently working for me. The third is out of play at the moment.
Mary runs a small NGO in Kabul giving relief to war widows. She is an out spoken and vituperative old bat, who gives the Taliban and anybody else who gets in her way a tongue-lashing in at least half a dozen languages. Her work is of minimal importance, but she is an icon par excellence. She had had an ongoing battle with the Minister of Vice and Virtue for years, and it all came to a head on that day. V and V had been trying to nail Mary for months, and the letter from MoP was just what they were looking for. Mary employed 7Afghan women in minor capacities, and 6 men. V and V kicked the door in, beat Mary with sticks (she’s 73 and slightly disabled) accused her of fostering immorality and of being a spy, and carted her and her entire staff off to prison.
Thus was born a very minor international incident, that had us all running round like mad things for several days. The men were released the same day, and told lurid tales of Mary’s incarceration. Late on the day of her arrest she was given permission to leave, but refused to leave her female staff and started a sit-in at the ‘Reformatory’ where she was being held.
My Kabul office and the UN RCO took the helm. My people did all the ‘behind the scenes stuff’ while the UN handled ‘front of house’. I co-ordinated with Eliane, the RCO in Kabul via satphone. It worked well and there were mutual congratulations afterwards, as relations between ACBAR and UN have not always been of the sweetest. The US Deputy Consul here in Pesh flew quietly to Kabul and let it be known that were anything untoward happen to Mary then things of a whizzy-bangy nature were likely to fall on sensitive parts of the Taliban body politic.
Come the 10th Mary was still in clink, the US was making grumbly diplomatic noises and the hawks in the UN in New York were plotting withdrawal. I and others were mildly harassed by the worlds press, who like nothing better than little old ladies getting duffed over by Big Nasty Men. The meeting with the MoP went ahead as planned and was chaired by the Deputy Minister. It was also attended by some of the more unruly elements of the NGO community, who did not ease relations by jeering and catcalling at the Dep Min, who was deeply upset. (I have subsequently made a diplomatic – a very diplomatic – apology to the Dep Min on behalf of the NGOs and the offending persons have found themselves rapidly redeployed to a less sensitive posting.) The Dep Min summarised the situation, said that this was a final decision taken by the ruling council, superceded all previous edicts on the subject of women working and that all Afghan women working in NGOs should be dismissed at once. En passe.
On the 12th Erik de Mul went to Kandahar to meet with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, one Muttawakil, who hitherto had been a regular gent to deal with. I had met him a couple of times, got on OK, but Erik found him somewhat different this time. He also met with at least seven other Ministers, and felt that he may be getting somewhere.
Also on the 12th Mary and her staff were released. She was asked to leave the country but not actually deported, thus leaving the door open for a future return. I saw her the next morning in my office. She was as combative as ever, had not the slightest insight into the international kerfuffle she had been at the centre of and wanted to make all sorts of unhelpful and inflammatory statements to the press. Poor Roger Kenna, the Dep US Consul who had actually brought her out (she is a US citizen) sat squirming in one of my less comfortable chairs as Mary ranted on. I understand that the Dr from the US compound eventually applied the chemical cosh and laid her out for 24 hours. Relief all round.
It is perhaps worth explaining at this point that the issue of women in employment in Afghanistan is probably the biggest single impediment to the normalisation of relations with the Taliban after Osama bin Laden (who I have heard today may be dead of a kidney disease). To the Taliban, female involvement in anything other than childbearing and housework is complete anathema. To the western agencies and donors, women have a right to be in the workplace or any other place they choose to be. This is not just a PC position by the west, there is an inalienable civil and human rights issue underpinning their thinking, and here East and West, the Very Old and the Relatively New, collide head on.
Erik gravitates to Kabul on the 16th, having not got much beyond a verbal statement on the part of the Taliban to the effect that they were not going to rescind the decree but if the agencies and donors would just keep the volume down for a month, then the issue could be quietly laid to rest. More Ministerial meetings all round. ACBAR dealt with the so-called ‘line Ministries’- the second tier of Government who are the programme implementers and with whom the NGO and UN agencies work most closely – and usually well. Erik and his small team dealt with V and V and Justice – or would have done had they consented to meet with him. Things ground on until the 20th when he left Kabul, nothing resolved exactly but maybe a bit of what the Americans call ‘wiggle room’ – a small space in which negotiations may continue.
Things racked up a notch after he left. Another letter, this time couched in very threatening and explicit terms come out of the MoP (but clearly the work of Vand V and Justice, in whom the real power resides) and arrived on our collective desks. It threatened prosecution of any women violating the decree, and for the first time prosecution of the NGOs employing them.
I arrived in Kabul on the afternoon of 22nd and picked up where Erik had left off, except that I was principally concerned with the security of local staff and clarifying the position regarding foreign women in employment.
Assorted meetings came and went, Eliane and I exchanged confidences and gossip, there was an ACBAR members meeting which I chaired, and a meeting of the Kabul NGO Forum. There was a sense that we were heading towards a confrontation with the Taliban, and that none of us thought this to be a helpful move, but it was being driven by the hawks in New York who were about as far removed from the reality of Kabul as it was possible to be. There was a general resolution among the NGO and UN players that the only reason we should withdraw was if there was a serious worsening of the security situation. We refined this down on the evening of 23rd to say that we only pull out if there is actual fighting in the city.
Late on the same evening my survey team and their manager were 50mtrs from a bombing in the city centre. They were having their evening meal in an outside café when Ali the Bomber pressed the button a bit prematurely and projected small irregularly shaped parts of himself on to their chicken jalfrezi. The manager turned up at our office (from where I had heard the blast) about half an hour later looking like a man in urgent need of another job and a change of underwear. Fortunately, none of them was hurt. The next night the city was lightly rocketed from the north.
Nothing got any better. On the morning of the 25th CARE, a very large Canadian NGO, heard that the decree had been signed into law by none other than Mullah Omar himself, and that it would be applied across the country with the full weight and severity of Shariah law.
I attended a small ad-hoc meeting later the same morning, putting together a position statement from the NGO’s to the UN and the donors and then headed back to Peshawar, arriving, knackered, about 8 in the evening.
The 26th was a day for reflection and trying to fit the pieces together. Clearly things were bad and maybe getting worse. There was unease in the NGO community about the meeting of the 27th, which certain parties had tried to exclude the NGOs and the UN Kabul people from. For reasons of sensitivity I will draw a veil over some of the more unpleasant arm twisting and eye gouging and general backstabbing that goes on here, but believe me there is no love lost between the various agencies, and if there is a chance of giving somebody a bloody good kicking then the chances are you will have to join a long queue. Suffice to say that myself, S W of CARE and A W of Save the Children were duly placed on the guest list for the Big Meeting. We are all shameless thugs, get on famously and have a reputation for painless surgery, the consequence of which is that the victim rarely notices they have lost a leg until they actually keel over.
Erik de Mul summarised the above in slightly more diplomatic language and opened the meeting to the floor. He revealed that the 27th was an unofficial and unpublicised deadline for the Taliban, and that the UN was expecting to hear from them on or before that day. They hadn’t.
We all had a crack at it in our various ways. There was consensus that it made no sense to push the NGO’s further down the road of quasi-diplomacy. They were already at the limits of what could reasonably be expected in the absence of a formal diplomatic structure, and to expect them to go any furhter in negotiation with the powerful political ministries of Vice and Virtue and Justice would compromise them quite impossibly. The Thugs heaved a sigh of relief at this one as we had feared that the Hawks would want to push us forward as the ‘natural’ negotiators of a way out of this one. But skilful footwork by Erik and Mike Sackett of WFP had protected the neutrality of the NGOs and left the diplomacy where it should be – with the donor nations and the UN. Trouble was, they didn’t want it. There was much wriggling and squirming and shuffling of responsibilities across the table.
The players added detail here and there – M S that Muttawakil was actually hostile to him, Eliane that the decree was going to go nationwide within days, myself that the bakery project survey which was to employ 600 women was the likely trigger for all this mess.
There was consensus (among those that actually trod the streets of Kabul) that there was a battle-royal raging within the Taliban. The Hardliners had successfully ambushed the Moderates, got the Decree rushed past Mullah Omar, hotfooted back to Kabul and proceeded to undo the work of the last two years. The Moderates had lost face and respect, the Hardliners crowed and toured the streets in their Toyotas visiting Islamic unpleasantness on all and sundry.
The Meeting eventually got to a point where it agreed that a confrontation was inevitable, but that it should be the donors and the UN not the NGOs that do the confronting, and that the NGOs would continue their low-key diplomacy. It also emerged that there are objective concerns about the safety of male local staff in agencies which supported work with women. This had never been an issue in the past, and ‘Security’ went up the agenda for just about everybody. Ann Freckleton, the Ice Qeen who sits on the British DFID moneybags, surprised all and sundry by making a constructive offer – the Brits will pay for security training for local as well as expat staff, and we can ‘bring them out’ to Pesh for a four day course courtesy of HMG.
It was also agreed that a demarche would be issued to the Taliban Ambassador in Islamabad on Friday 28th, a diplomatic note delivered by the Swiss (the current Chair of the Afghan Support Group) telling Mr. T what the world thought of him and his evil minions.
We then turned to the thorny question of ‘What do we do with the Paks?’ Pakistan openly supports the Taliban for their own machiavellian reasons. Erik expressed the opinion that they were no better or worse than the Taliban. There was general agreement that were there to be major population movements as a result of the drought (almost certain) and a subsequent influx of refugees into Pakistan, then the aid community would not fund up relief for them, and Pak would have to find funds elsewhere. This is an extremely big stick to beat the Paks with, but there was unanimous agreement that they could no longer have their cake and eat it. A Messenger was appointed to take this news to General Musharraf, despite the fact that his Minister for Refugees was sitting stony faced on the sidelines of The Meeting (he had observer status only.)
The Donors decided to meet on the following day to agree a position and spin-management clicked into top gear. Kofi Annan wanted an immediate update at the end of the meeting, and spoke to Erik on a satphone for 10 minutes.
We sat there at the end of it all, weary and dispirited. The Thugs knew that they were back in the front line again, and that business as-unusual would continue. We lunched and planned, got in our jeeps and drove back to Peshawar. We collectively condemned a lot of people to a slow death by starvation on that day. We never gave it a thought.
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As I recall we got back to Pesh, adjourned to the American Club bar and stayed there till we fell over.
